Tuesday, July 4, 2023

When the Continental Army was new and being constituted from Minute Men and Militia

One of the things that is so striking when doing genealogical research in New England from 1620-1800 is just how tightly knit the communities and families were.  The mesh of relationships were extensive given how large the families were and how long lived (compared to the rest of the world.)

As an example, my fifth-great-grandfather Robert Longley (1734-1802) was a Captain in the Bolton militia company which responded to the Lexington alarm on April 16, 1775 as part of Colonel Asa Whitcomb's Regiment.  Longley fought at Lexington and served through the balance of 1775 and through 1776 as well.  It appears he fought at Bunker Hill.

Colonel, later General, Asa Whitcomb is also in my family tree as a first cousin, 8 times removed.  Captain (later Colonel) Robert Longley's wife was Anna Whitcomb (1737-1815).  Her great-grandfather was Asa Whitcomb's grandfather.  They were cousins, once removed.  

For fifth-great grandfather Captain Robert Longley, his commanding officer, Colonel Asa Whitcomb was also his wife's cousin one generation older.  Effectively Asa Whitcomb was Robert Longley's Cousin/Uncle-in-law.  Fit that into the chain-of-command.  As if command and control were not already a challenge in a communal and consent based culture.

Purely as a guess, there were probably some six hundred of more Whitcombs in the area of Boston, Lexington and Concord, all more or less distantly related.  Certainly, 62 Whitcombs are recorded as DAR Patriots having served in one capacity or another.  

This dense network of relationships created a particular challenge in converting militia into disciplined Continental Line units.  It is one thing to command and discipline strangers, it is another, good and bad, to command friends and family.  Asa Whitcomb was 56 at the time of Lexington, old for that era, though with extensive martial experience during the colonial and frontier wars against the French and Indians. 

From Asa Whitcomb, a Sterling Patriot by Frederick Lewis Weis, Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society , Oct., 1941 - May, 1944, Third Series, Vol. 67 (Oct., 1941 - May, 1944), pp. 111-127.

Before the outbreak of war the following April, Asa Whitcomb was elected colonel of the Lancaster militia regiment, while John  Whitcomb [his brother], besides being a "general officer" of the Massachusetts militia, was also colonel of the Lancaster regiment of Minute Men.  Thus Lancaster was ready when a hurrying courier galloped through the town on the morning of April nineteenth, shouting the news that the British were marching to Lexington and Concord. In short order 257 resolute men, under six company leaders, eagerly hastened to Concord to help drive the invaders back. General Heath noted in his diary: "General Whitcomb was in this day's battle"; and so too, we may be sure, was his brother Colonel Asa. Many men from their regiments took active part in the skirmishes on that day. The Lancaster Minute Men were engaged at this time for four and a half days. They were prepared only for sudden calls to duty, but about one-third of them enlisted in the "American Army" (as the forces engaged before Boston were called) for the eight remaining months of the year.  

Colonel Asa Whitcomb (and apparently fifth great grandfather Captain Longley) then fought at Bunker Hill, helping cover the retreat at the conclusion of the battle.  

After Bunker Hill and with the appointment of George Washington, one of Washington's first tasks was to rationalize the militia, create a Continental Army, institute drill training, and organize a commissary adequate to supply the emerging army.  All while the thirteen colonies were coming to grips with what they had done and how to organize their new state governments and finances.

As if that were not enough, especially with the northern militia, Washington had to make decisions cognizant of the culture of fierce independence and communalism, partly enmeshed in the friends and family networks of the local and densely populated communities.

At the time of the military reorganization consequent upon the creation of the Continental Army Colonel Whitcomb was one of the field officers dropped. According to a newspaper account it was because of his advanced age. According to Washington it was because of the necessity for economy. Taking both explanations at their face value, one is tempted to surmise that the correct underlying reason for this apparent ending of Whitcomb's military career is to be found in the fact that while, because of his "noble qualities of heart," he enjoyed great popularity, he was in fact too amiable to become a strict disciplinarian.

In mid-November, however, Whitcomb was reinstated. The story, as given a few months later in a Boston newspaper, is as follows: 

Deacon Whitcomb, of Lancaster (who was a member of the Assembly of  Massachusetts-Bay till the present war commenced, had served in former wars, and been in different engagements) served as a Colonel in the Continental Army; but on account of his age was left out upon the new regulation: His men highly resented it, and declared they would not list again after their time was out. The Colonel told them he did not doubt there were sufficient reasons for the regulation and he was satisfied with it; he then blamed them for their conduct, and said he would enlist as a private. A Colonel Brewer heard of it, and offered to resign in favour of Colonel Whitcomb. The whole coming to General Washington's ears, he allowed of Col. Brewer's resignation in Col. Whitcomb's favour, appointed the former Barrack-Master, till he could further promote him, and acquainted the army with the whole affair in general orders.  Let antiquity produce a more striking instance of true greatness of mind.

Washington's general orders (November 16, 1775) were as follows:

Motives of Oeconomy rendering it indispensibly necessary that many of the Regiments should be reduced, and the whole put upon a different establishment; several deserving Officers, not from any demerit, but pure necessity, having been excluded in the New Arrangement of the Army, among these was Col. Whitcomb; but the noble Sentiments disclosed by that Gentleman, upon this Occasion, the Zeal he has shewn in exhorting the Men not to abandon the Interest of their Country at this important crisis, and his Determination to continue in the service even as a private soldier, rather than by a bad example, when the Enemy are gathering Strength; put the public Affairs to hazzard. When an Example of this kind is set, it not only entitles a Gentleman to particular Thanks, but to particular rewards, in the bestowing of which, Colonel Jonathan Brewer is entitled to no small share of Credit, in readily giving up the Regiment, which he was appointed to command, to Col. Whitcomb? Col. Whitcomb therefore, is henceforward to be consider'd, as Colonel of that Regiment, which was in tended for Col. Brewer; and Col. Brewer will be appointed Barrack Master,

At that particular time, as Washington was creating both the new Continental Army as well as conducting the Siege of Boston, George Washington was desperate to rationalize the army down to a manageable and affordable size but also to convert Minute Men and Militia from very short term enlistments into more durable periods of a year or three years enlistment.  In the summer after Concord and Lexington, Minute Men and Militia quietly streamed home to their work on the farms leaving Washington at risk of commanding a paper army absent of soldiers or even untrained farmers.  

Asa Whitcomb was happy to step aside for the good of the new Continental Army.  His men were unwilling to serve under anyone else.  Washington could not afford to lose the men but also had to rationalize the officer ranks.  Every officer was trying to make Washington's impossible task easier but a community based militia with strong family ties just made it hard.  Thank goodness for the selflessness of Colonel Jonathan Brewer.  

Monday, July 3, 2023

Diversity plus freedom of choice creates inequality, and the greater the diversity, the more extreme the inequality

From Power Laws, Weblogs, and Inequality by Clay Shirky.  

A persistent theme among people writing about the social aspects of weblogging is to note (and usually lament) the rise of an A-list, a small set of webloggers who account for a majority of the traffic in the weblog world. This complaint follows a common pattern we've seen with MUDs, BBSes, and online communities like Echo and the WELL. A new social system starts, and seems delightfully free of the elitism and cliquishness of the existing systems. Then, as the new system grows, problems of scale set in. Not everyone can participate in every conversation. Not everyone gets to be heard. Some core group seems more connected than the rest of us, and so on.

Prior to recent theoretical work on social networks, the usual explanations invoked individual behaviors: some members of the community had sold out, the spirit of the early days was being diluted by the newcomers, et cetera. We now know that these explanations are wrong, or at least beside the point. What matters is this: Diversity plus freedom of choice creates inequality, and the greater the diversity, the more extreme the inequality.

In systems where many people are free to choose between many options, a small subset of the whole will get a disproportionate amount of traffic (or attention, or income), even if no members of the system actively work towards such an outcome. This has nothing to do with moral weakness, selling out, or any other psychological explanation. The very act of choosing, spread widely enough and freely enough, creates a power law distribution.

Totalitarian authoritarians want to coerce and enforce and equality of outcomes.  Not only do they fail but they destroy the complex system they were trying to improve.

People comfortable with Freedom and Choice are comfortable with the chips falling where they may while acknowledging that this almost always results in a Pareto distribution power law.  The system generates bounty for everyone and everyone is better off even though they are increasingly unequal (in increasingly diverse systems).  

History

 

An Insight

 

I see wonderful things

 

Offbeat Humor

 



















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Data Talks

 

AOC - from the half of Congress which makes the top half possible.

There is absolutely no need for an AOC parody Twitter account.  Her own account is a self-parody.  










While I am ambivalent about legacy admits at private institutions, she undermines her own point by trying to draw a connection between racial discrimination on admits and legacy programs and then bumbling the comparison.  

The Supreme Court can of course only respond to the cases brought before them, they cannot arbitrarily make new law such as choosing to abolish legacy admissions.  They addressed an affirmative action which was brought before them.  I am unaware of any case dealing with the legality of legacy programs.  How long has AOC been in Congress already?  

A member of the House of Representatives who does not know that the US is 70% white is almost as startling as the supposed fact that legacy admits are that diverse.  Allowing for variances in definitions, the US is basically 70% white.  So legacy admits seem to mirror those of the population.  Either she has her facts wrong and legacy admits aren't that diverse or fifty years of affirmative action has gotten us to the point where not only is the student body diverse but so is the alumni body.  

Juliet, 1898 by John William Waterhouse (British, 1849–1916)

Juliet, 1898 by John William Waterhouse  (British, 1849–1916)


































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Sunday, July 2, 2023

You need to know the law and numeracy

From Progressive Supreme Court justices can’t do basic math, peddle bogus statistic about black babies’ survival rate from Liberty Unyielding.  

Cognitive pollution (things believed to be true which are not true) is everywhere.  It is often most obvious when it crops up disastrously in operations but is perhaps most pernicious when it enters the legislative system where laws and policies are formulated and when it enters the judicial system where laws are interpreted.  

Relying of factually untrue information is a gross subversion of how the judicial system should work and justices who are unable to process or comprehend factual information ought not be interpreting.

In the article, Jay Greene is quoted with regard to an example of a Supreme Court justice relying on information which is factually untrue and should have been obviously untrue.  With any study, almost your first questions, even before the methodology, is whether it is large enough, randomized, controls for confounds and whether the effect size is material.  In this case, the most obvious and egregious error is the obvious error of not comparing apples-to-apples.

In her dissenting opinion to the Supreme Court’s decision to strike down racial preferences in university admissions, Justice Ketanji Brown Jackson managed to pull off a trifecta: She was factually incorrect in describing the results of a study that should not be believed, which wouldn’t provide practical support for her argument even if it were accurate and credible.

Jackson claimed that racial preferences were essential in admission to medical schools because more black doctors were needed to improve health outcomes for black patients.

Specifically, she wrote, “For high-risk black newborns, having a black physician more than doubles the likelihood that the baby will live, and not die.” That claim was taken from an amicus brief filed by the Association of American Medical Colleges, which in turn was referencing a study that appeared in the Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences.

First, the study does not claim to find a doubling in survival rates for black newborns who have a black attending doctor. Instead, in its most fully specified model, it reports that 99.6839% of black babies born with a black attending physician survived compared with 99.5549% of black babies born with white attending physicians, a difference of 0.129%.

The survival rate of 99.6839% is not double 99.5549%.

The claim that survival rates for black newborns double when they have black physicians is just plain false. The fact that neither the Association of American Medical Colleges nor Jackson’s clerks could read and properly understand a medical study is an alarming indication for the current state of both medical and legal education.

Second, even if the results of the Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences study were accurately described, they should not be believed. The study’s comparison of death rates for newborns who have doctors of different races does not take into account the fact that black newborns have a greater likelihood of serious medical complications and the attending physicians assigned to treat those more challenging cases are likely to be white.

For example, the study does control for whether newborns are low weight (less than 2,500 grams), but does not control for whether they are very low weight (less than 1,500 grams). Black newborns are almost three times as likely as white newborns to weigh less than 1,500 grams.

Doctors assigned to treat very low-weight babies are more likely to be specialists, rather than regular pediatricians or family practitioners. Black doctors are significantly less likely to be found in those specialized fields.

More than 5% of pediatricians or family practice physicians are black, compared with 3.8% of neonatologists and pediatric cardiologists, and 1.8% of pediatric surgeons.

Rather than demonstrating the protective benefits of black newborns having black doctors, the Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences study only documents that black newborns are more likely to have severe issues that increase their risk of infant mortality, and those severe cases are more likely to have white attending physicians because white doctors are more prevalent in the specialized fields that treat those complications.

The study provides no convincing evidence on whether black newborns with identical conditions would fare better, worse, or no differently with a black or white doctor.

Oh, dear.  What a mess.  The rest of the article is a more thorough indictment.   Know what you are talking about before you start writing judgements.  This sort of innumeracy is demeaning of the judicial system.