The Art Nouveau "Château de la lune" from 1896 in Épernay, France.
— ArtNouveauDeco (@NouveauDeco) June 1, 2024
Photo: artnouveaukathi pic.twitter.com/BQV9nONTkU
The Art Nouveau "Château de la lune" from 1896 in Épernay, France.
— ArtNouveauDeco (@NouveauDeco) June 1, 2024
Photo: artnouveaukathi pic.twitter.com/BQV9nONTkU
Matt is being dishonest here. Fraudulent falsification of business records is common. But it's usually an employee covering up embezzlement, or an owner cooking books to get investors; there's a clear party defrauded who had a right to accuracy.
— Bernard Stanford ✡︎ (@stanfordNYC) May 31, 2024
In this case, the defrauded party… pic.twitter.com/Jj3Ao6SIQY
The extraordinary 'Optical illusion' of the marble mosaic tiles of the 17th Century AD, Florence Cathedral Santa Maria del Fiore, Italy.
— Archaeo - Histories (@archeohistories) May 31, 2024
The mosaic optical illusion of the Cathedral, seen from above, this intricate geometry creates the illusion of a giant abyss into which people… pic.twitter.com/qe0OmJzeuw
The thing that hath been, it is that which shall be; and that which is done is that which shall be done: and there is no new thing under the sun.
Every European City Map pic.twitter.com/nXVUA3pMMx
— Epic Maps 🗺️ (@Locati0ns) May 31, 2024
For about a decade now, the Democratic Party has put a referendum to the American public: “Donald Trump is a racist, fascist, misogynistic strongman and alleged serial sexual assaulter who doesn’t care about democratic norms and who will seek, whenever possible, to demolish them if it benefits him. Do you really want someone like this to be president?” Over time, the party has been able to add ever-more damning, fully accurate details, like “felon,” “adjudicated rapist,” and “attack on the Capitol instigator” to this description of the now-former president.The American people have answered the same way, over and over: “Sure, maybe.”
Look, you took a crack at the “Trump is racist and fascist” line — many cracks, in fact — and you got all the already-liberal folks on board, plus some moderate (mostly suburban) educated Republican types, at least for an election or two. But clearly, clearly, clearly, this is a failing strategy when it comes to consistently beating Trump at the national level.The most damning evidence against the orthodox Democratic strategy for fighting Trump and Trumpism is the trajectory of black and Latino opinion toward Trump. This graph from Bloomberg shows what those lines look like during seven years of blanket dissemination of the message that Trump is a dangerous and bigoted madman who is perhaps one or two steps removed from bona fide white nationalists:
It. . .didn’t seem to work. At all. This shouldn’t necessarily surprise anyone familiar with the heterogeneous nature of these voting blocs, and with the fact that both includetens ofmillions of moderate-to-conservative voters, but at the end of the day, if you’re a Democrat who thought Trump was beatable if only the racist/fascist drum was beaten hard and loudly enough, how can you come to any other conclusion that you’ve failed spectacularly? The very groups you are claiming to want to protect from Trump have warmed to him over time.
I am intentionally setting aside my own feelings about Trump for the purpose of this post, but I’ve made them clear over and over and over. Suffice it to say, I cannot wrap my head around the fact that Trump is so popular, relatively speaking, and I know most of my friends can’t either.
How could Nixon have won? Nobody I know voted for him.
I live in a rather special world. I only know one person who voted for Nixon. Where they are I don't know. They're outside my ken. But sometimes when I'm in a theater I can feel them.
I hate Trump.
I don't understand how anyone can like him.
Nobody I know understands why Trump is popular.
He is a demon.
By an enormous coincidence, every aspect of culture peaked when you were a teenager: music, movies, fashion, you name it. And the amazing thing is that this applies no matter how old you are! https://t.co/2iRScuGojW pic.twitter.com/TdEi7RMCJ7
— Steve Stewart-Williams (@SteveStuWill) June 1, 2024
The Berlin Green Head - a masterpiece dating to the Late or Ptolemaic period (350-30 BC), named after the colour of its stone. The head of a bald man made from greenschist is believed to be a representation of an #Egyptian priest
— Nina Willburger (@DrNWillburger) June 1, 2024
On display at Neues Museum,Berlin
📷 taken by me pic.twitter.com/aVncDek1lx
I read him as saying that moral judgments are used to exercise power. That makes their truth status suspect.
Thatching is the ancient craft of building roofs using dry vegetation. In England, over 250 roofs still have base coats of thatch applied over 500 years ago. Nearly all of these roofs are thatched with wheat, rye, or both.
— Science girl (@gunsnrosesgirl3) May 31, 2024
📹 Shane Stevens
pic.twitter.com/bruxQe7jvq
“Part of the reason people worry about misinformation is that they think other people are gullible and easily misled - unlike them. Meanwhile, the other people think exactly the same thing in reverse.” https://t.co/2iRScuGojW pic.twitter.com/4yYRGeFf2y
— Steve Stewart-Williams (@SteveStuWill) June 1, 2024
People have a lot of erroneous beliefs about the policy status quo in the United States, and that seems to matter. These beliefs are normally not formed via exposure to some kind of social media misinformation; they’re just about things that aren’t in the news very much and that people misunderstand. Which is to say that “people having information that is not correct” is absolutely a huge deal in politics… it’s just not necessarily “misinformation” in the sense that the misinformation police intend. In Dylan Matthews’ profile of the State Department’s small but very successful intelligence bureau, for example, one thing that comes through is that the bulk of American intelligence agencies genuinely believed that Iraq had an advanced nuclear weapons program. This erroneous information had a huge impact on the media, on the mass public understanding of political debates 2002-2003, in decision-making in Washington, and on the broad trajectory of American politics.And I think erroneous ideas that are perpetrated by mainstream institutions — what I’m going to call “elite misinformation” — are a really big deal in an underrated way.
I wrote a book adjacent to this topic, Radiation Evangelists, about the early development years of radiation therapy in medicine, and I have an add-on to this column: a lot of times people doing this kind of misinformation have functionally managed to talk themselves into believing what they are pitching.Most of the early radiation innovators that I wrote about ended up dying of cancer or other radiation-induced maladies. I expected the story to be one where people who didn't know better died of something they didn't understand. But what I found in the research is that users recognized--and documented!--the risks more or less immediately. It's just that they then proceeded to talk themselves into alternate explanations. A lot of patients were harmed as a result, but the therapists bore the worst of it; more or less an entire generation of men and women who were enthusiastic early adopters ended up dead in a pretty painful and awful way.All of which is simply to say that I think "elite misinformation" is an even harder problem than this column suggests, because motivated reasoning is a hell of a drug. Even well-meaning humans armed with reasonable information are highly prone to talk themselves into believing wrong stuff, and they will do that EVEN WITH the counter information right there in on the table. And someone who has lied to themself first is hard to disabuse of a notion, because 1) they do not "know" that they are lying, and 2) admitting that they are wrong now carries a component of shame and disappointment to go along with the embarrassment.It's just a really hard problem.
Extraordinary Popular Delusions and the Madness of Crowds by Charles MacKayNineteen Eighty-four by George OrwellThe True Believer: Thoughts on the Nature of Mass Movements by Eric HofferThe Structure of Scientific Revolutions by Thomas S. Kuhn