The net humanitarian gains are not as clear-cut as they may first seem by those claiming success

From Doing Bad by Doing Good: Why Humanitarian Action Fails by Christopher J. Coyne. Page 143.

Many consider the intervention in Libya to be a resounding success and a strong piece of evidence in support of the viability of the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) doctrine. During a United Nations meeting of world leaders, U.S. president Barack Obama stated that “Libya is a lesson in what the international community can achieve when we stand together as one.” Bennett Ramberg, who served in the Bureau of Politico-Military Affairs in the U.S. Department of State during the George H. W. Bush administration, concluded that the fall of the Gaddafi regime legitimized the R2P doctrine while putting dictators around the globe on notice. Stewart Patrick of the Council of Foreign Relations wrote that Libya was “the first unambiguous military enforcement of the Responsibility to Protect norm, Gaddafi’s utter defeat seemingly putting new wind in the sails of humanitarian intervention.”

There is no doubt that the military intervention played a key role in toppling the Gaddafi regime. There is also no arguing that Gaddafi was a brutal dictator with a miserable record of not respecting the most basic rights of Libyan citizens. That said, a deeper consideration of the consequences of overthrowing the Gaddafi regime indicate that the net humanitarian gains are not as clear-cut as they may first seem by those claiming success.

The fall of Gaddafi’s government left a power vacuum in Libya that has yet to be filled. Fighting among rival militias, especially in the southern part of the country, has left hundreds dead and many more injured. The National Transition Council has to date been ineffective in integrating the dispersed militias that opposed Gaddafi into a single, unified national force. In addition, some of the one million African guest workers, who participated in Libya’s oil-rich economy under Gaddafi, have been violently targeted by rebels who view the migrants as Gaddafi supporters and, hence, enemies. More generally, there are reports of abuse and violence throughout Libya, as evidenced by the recent announcement from the humanitarian group Doctors Without Borders that they were ceasing operations in the city of Misrata after noting that detainees were “tortured and denied urgent medical care.” Related to this violence are concerns of the rise of Islamist extremists seeking control and influence over the future direction of the country.